We have just celebrated our 77th Republic Day, showcasing India’s valor, strength, and talent. Undoubtedly, since independence, we have achieved multidimensional development, the impact of which is clearly visible across every sector of the nation. However, a nation can progress only when its people advance and become empowered in every sphere of life, because a country is strong only when its citizens are strong. Since nations are built by the people who live in them, it becomes crucial that there is mutual harmony and goodwill among them, ensuring that no social or economic barrier prevents anyone from progressing.
The first condition for this is that the citizens of a country must be educated and healthy. In a democratic setup, elected governments have a special role in this regard, as it is through government policies that education and health can be guaranteed in a nation. Accordingly, in independent India, governments have recognized their responsibility in this field and contributed significantly to the promotion of education, taking up the task of educating people through both public and private educational institutions.
Since Indian society has historically been afflicted by caste-based hierarchy, spreading education aimed not only at literacy but also at eliminating caste discrimination was a key objective.
For the balanced development of all sections of society, it was essential that from schools to universities, society—divided into advanced-backward and Dalit-upper caste groups—be made equal through education, and a uniform education system be developed for both wealthy and poor students. We have not fully succeeded in this task to the extent that the framers of independent India had hoped. The main reason for this has been that deep-rooted social prejudices reached even our educational institutions, preventing full justice for communities historically deprived of education.
To address this, independent India’s governments introduced reservations for Scheduled Castes (SCs) and Scheduled Tribes (STs) in education, ensuring that they would not lag behind in life. Economically, governments also supported students from these communities so that financial difficulties would not deprive them of education. However, it was essential that from primary schools to universities, students develop a sense of equality, and new generations be free from hierarchical mindset.
To further this aim, our Constitution’s framers introduced reservations for Dalits in government jobs so that people from these communities could actively contribute to the administration and foster a sense of equality, with new generations valuing merit over caste. However, after the liberalization of India’s economy in 1991, a major imbalance arose in the field of education. Private institutions claiming “high quality” education—schools, colleges, and universities—began to proliferate. Education began to turn into a commodity, and particularly in higher education, wealthier sections of society began to dominate.
In 1990, with the implementation of the Mandal Commission recommendations, another imbalance emerged: reservations were introduced in government jobs for backward classes. The impact of this was felt across society, and once again, citizens in independent India began to be identified based on caste. Later, during Manmohan Singh’s tenure, when Arjun Singh became the Human Resource Development Minister, reservations were also extended to backward classes in higher education.
In a democracy, due to the influence of electoral politics, this step was supported by caste-based political parties, but they overlooked how dangerous this measure could be in a caste-free society envisioned by the Indian Constitution and how it could create divisions in education.
By taking this step, Arjun Singh essentially handed over education to the forces of market liberalization and ensured that the field would remain the preserve of private wealth. Later, in 2012, amendments in the University Grants Commission rules included backward class representation in mechanisms established to prevent discrimination against SC students in higher education institutions.
However, this overlooked a historical truth: even today, in villages, Dalits face severe discrimination. The greatest oppression of Dalits in rural areas comes from dominant castes among the so-called backward communities. After independence, with industrialization and urbanization, caste discrimination in cities declined because urban life valued labor and skill over caste identity. In our universities, if discrimination continues based on caste and backward classes are placed alongside SCs, it would only reinforce social corruption, and universities could become arenas of caste-based politics. Some student groups have opposed this.
We must view this opposition in historical and cultural context. Many backward class castes in India historically included ruling communities. How can we equate them with Scheduled Castes? The Indian Constitution entrusts governments with promoting scientific thinking among people—how can we burden universities with centuries-old prejudices?
Regarding Scheduled Castes, they have suffered inhuman treatment for thousands of years and were denied the right to education. Ensuring justice for them is not only a matter of history but also a duty for India’s new generations.
