The Basant Panchami festival in the city of Dhar, Madhya Pradesh, passed peacefully, although the state administration had to turn the entire area into a police cantonment and deploy forces at every corner. This was necessary because of the ongoing dispute over the ‘Bhojshala,’ built by the great King Bhoj in the early 11th century, which was attacked by the Muslim invader Alauddin Khilji in the 14th century and converted into a mosque. The Bhojshala is considered a temple of Goddess Saraswati, the deity of knowledge, and holds unbroken faith for Hindus, who perform worship of Goddess Vagdevi there every Basant Panchami. However, the Muslim community renamed it Kamal Maula Mosque and began offering prayers every Friday. There is no concrete historical evidence about when this practice started, but it is believed to have begun during the Muslim rule.
The Bhojshala complex is managed by the Archaeological Survey of India, reflecting its cultural and historical significance for India. The remnants of Hindu deities and their symbols are still present in the building, providing evidence that it was originally a Hindu place of worship. The issue of Bhojshala was first raised by BJP leader and former Madhya Pradesh Chief Minister Sadhvi Uma Bharti, who called for it to be returned to Hindus. However, the matter went to court, and from time to time, orders were issued regarding worship and prayers at the site, which were strictly followed.
The fundamental question is how, in independent India, we deal with religious sites that were seized during Muslim rule and converted into Muslim places of worship after the creation of Pakistan for Muslims. While it is not possible to find a Shiva Lingam under every mosque, serious consideration must be given to sites that clearly bear evidence of being Hindu places of worship and are held in unwavering faith by Hindus, so that communal harmony and Hindu-Muslim brotherhood can be preserved at all costs.
In this context, it is crucial to take note of the Gyanvapi Mosque located in the holy precincts of Lord Shiva in Kashi, where every part bears the imprint of a Hindu place of worship, and Hindus regard it as the abode of Lord Shiva and Parvati. Similarly, the birthplace of Lord Krishna in Mathura can be cited, where every corner of the structure testifies to it being a Hindu place of worship devoted to Krishna.
It is entirely true that the current generations of Muslims in India have nothing to do with the Muslim invaders of the past, and their role in independent India has been on par with Hindus in the country’s development. Yet, the demand of the time is that the Muslim community itself should come forward and relinquish claims on such religious sites that are clearly Hindu in origin and held in unwavering devotion.
In the case of Bhojshala, for instance, what attachment could Muslims have except that it was named after a Muslim saint, Kamal Maula, and Friday prayers were instituted there? Muslim sultans and emperors had seized Hindu religious sites to assert to the Hindu majority that their rulers were no longer Hindu kings but the Muslim sovereigns. During the monarchical period, religious sites held particular importance, through which the king asserted his authority. That era is long over, yet we still cling to the beliefs of previous centuries.
The reality is that India’s medieval history is not taught to our generations in proper context. After the Arab Muslim invasion of Sindh in the 8th century, the history of India until the 10th century remains largely untold. Similarly, the story of Bappa Rawal’s valor in Chittor in the 8th century is rarely taught. Bappa Rawal not only resisted Muslim invasions from Punjab, Sindh, and Afghanistan but repeatedly defeated the invaders in battle and safeguarded India’s borders. To protect northern India from the threat of Muslim invasions, he established a military cantonment in Rawalpindi (now in Pakistan) in the 8th century and set up military posts every twenty miles extending into Afghanistan. Yet, our medieval history education often begins only with Muhammad Ghori’s invasion of India.
In contemporary India, we must ensure that the religious sites forcibly seized by Muslim invaders do not become symbols of subjugation in any form. Therefore, it is crucial that the leaders of the Muslim community refrain from creating disputes over sites for which there is clear and concrete evidence of being Hindu places of worship. In secular independent India, this is essential so that the Muslim community can also connect with the country’s cultural heritage and move beyond a medieval mindset.
The Constitution provides equal status to every Hindu and Muslim. Both communities have equal rights over India’s culture, without any sense of subjugation in either. The Muslim community in India must seriously consider this perspective and help revive Hindu-Muslim brotherhood in the country, as both communities are integral parts of India.
