Decoding Mohan Bhagwat's Vision for the RSS's Second Century

Some voices hurt, some heal. Some speak only to defame, while others try to speak to the soul of the nation. Mohan Bhagwat, the sarsanghchalak of the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh, falls into the latter category—a gentle patriarch whose quiet humour and gracious candour reflect the organisation’s long-cherished values ​​of restraint, attachment to roots, and unwavering faith in India’s historical cultural continuity. Last week, his day-long lectures at the RSS centenary celebrations at Vigyan Bhavan in New Delhi had symbolic significance, a reminder that the RSS, founded by Keshav Baliram Hedgewar in 1925, is not just a social experiment but a cultural force preparing for its second century. For the first time in its history, the RSS chief, answering questions from an audience of over 200 on topics such as language, Hinduism, privacy, population, technology and caste reservations—said he supports reservations unless the communities themselves feel otherwise, and that a ‘Hindu’ is someone who identifies as Indian and is rooted in Indian culture.

One thing is certain: infiltrators must be driven out of the country. He said all regional languages ​​are national languages, while imposition of a foreign language is unacceptable. He opened the doors of RSS offices and branches to critics, urging them to see for themselves, leaving behind prejudices. In a scathing move against the Left-inspired anti-RSS machinery, Bhagwat suggested “Hum Do, Hamari Teen” (we two, our three) for population policy and not ‘two’, a liberal but culturally aware approach. The message was clear, the Sangh is no secret. Come in and see for yourself, or leave the fabricated narrative. The timing of this initiative is significant, as it coincides with the ongoing political offensive led by Rahul Gandhi, whose attacks have become sharper since 2018.

Gandhi has repeatedly accused the RSS of undermining India’s pluralistic values, claiming that it seeks to impose a homogenous Hindu identity and exerts undue influence on the BJP. His statements such as ‘RSS is a threat to the secular fabric of India’ have bolstered the opposition narrative, especially in the election season. While earlier criticism of the RSS by Congress leaders such as Jawaharlal Nehru and Indira Gandhi eventually subsided, Rahul Gandhi’s relentless attacks have pushed the RSS to adopt a proactive, confrontational stance. By inviting opposition leaders and engaging with minorities, including Muslim, Christian and Buddhist communities, the RSS seeks to break the notion of exclusivity.

This flagship event ‘100 Saal Ki Sangh Yatra’ Naya Kshitij was attended by around 2,000 participants, including diplomats from over 50 countries such as the US, UK, Germany, Japan, Saudi Arabia and the UAE, whose presence reflects international interest in the role of the RSS in shaping India’s ideological currents. BJP allies were conspicuously present. Some Congress leaders also came, but Rahul Gandhi's absence showed a reluctance to accuse than to debate.

The event covered 17 thematic categories, such as youth entrepreneurship, national security and cultural identity, aimed at presenting the RSS as a broad, inclusive force and fostering grassroots ties, so that the message of unity reaches rural and urban India. For decades, the RSS remained an inward-looking cadre movement, focused on shakhas and discipline. Now, it is presenting itself as an interlocutor in the global marketplace of ideas. Bhagwat's formulation of 'belonging' recalls the Indian philosophical tradition as the core principle of the Sangh, the soul is never isolated, but always located in a larger whole. He referred to the principle of 'vasudhaiva kutumbakam' - Hindu thought is not parochial, but universal. He described Hinduism as rooted in inclusiveness and mutual respect among communities.

History shows that institutions evolve under pressure. Just as Ashoka transformed imperial power into a moral enterprise after Kalinga, the RSS is regenerating itself as a conciliatory force, not a polarizing one. The RSS’s ‘panch parivartan’ (five transformations) of social harmony, family enlightenment, environmental awareness, self-respect, and a statement of civic duty are in harmony with the age-old Indian framework of dharma. Unlike Western political categories that separate religion, state, and society, the Indian philosophical tradition sees the moral, the social, and the cosmic as an interwoven entity. Bhagwat’s emphasis on environmental management presents climate change not as a mere technological challenge but as a dharmic responsibility in continuity with Vedic injunctions that speak of harmony between purusha (human) and prakriti (nature). Bhagwat’s defense of tariffs to protect Indian farmers is couched not in policy language but in a thought linked to the principle of self, or autonomous refusal to surrender to foreign systems of commerce. This nationalist vocabulary places the trade debate in the same tradition of swadeshi, reminding us that economic sovereignty has always been at the heart of Indian nationalism. Yet, despite its philosophical appeal, the RSS remains under the ideological scrutiny of its ‘woke’ and ‘secular’ opponents.

Critics, including Rahul Gandhi, have portrayed the RSS as a hardline Hindu nationalist organisation that marginalises minorities and promotes a homogenising cultural agenda. Bhagwat’s words hold significance not just for the movement, but for India. If in its first century the RSS was about consolidation and control, its second century could be about interpretation and dialogue. In a world where civilisational states are reasserting themselves—China with Confucianism, Russia with Orthodoxy, the Islamic world with pan-umma narratives—the RSS seeks to present Hinduism not as a dogma, but as a global philosophy of belonging.

Ultimately, the philosophical question the RSS raises is, can a cultural identity underpin a modern nation-state without erasing its pluralistic voices? History teaches that civilisations survive when they can absorb contradiction, not when they erase it. If the RSS can maintain a dialogue with its critics, include minorities as partners, and resolve its internal divisions of caste and language, it can transform itself into a truly unifying force. In this sense, the Shatabdi Abhiyaan is not just an organisational effort but a reflective experiment. It raises the question of whether the term ‘Hindu’—which once denoted only the people of the Indus—can be re-articulated as a universal kinship in the 21st century. As the RSS enters its second century, it must maintain its inclusive approach, ensuring that minority voices are not just invited, but actively listened to. It must address internal issues of caste and regionalism, and foster a truly pan-Indian identity. By leveraging digital platforms, the organisation can take its messaging to younger audiences, promoting its vision of ‘oneness’ while countering misinformation.

Finally, it must engage constructively with critics like Rahul Gandhi, bridging divisions through dialogue rather than deepening them. When Bhagwat opened up RSS offices and branches to others, the message was one of transparency—we are India and we have nothing to hide. Come in and see for yourself, or leave the narrative unfulfilled. The true measure of this century is whether a villager from Bastar, a student from Aligarh, or a labourer from Chennai feel a fraternity together. The question for India remains: can we build unity without obliterating difference? The RSS’s answer will shape not just its own future, but India’s destiny as well.