The vice-president's role, once a quiet moral compass for the republic, has transformed into a dynamic hub of activity; the position that once belonged to the philosopher, statesman, and protector of the Constitution is now occupied by the ultimate power guardian, electoral representative, and fervent supporter of the ruling ideology. This year's controversy, unlike any before, reveals much about India. The NDA has selected RSS member C P Radhakrishnan from Tamil Nadu for the position. In contrast, the India Alliance has nominated Justice B Sudarshan Reddy, known for his legal integrity. Despite being from an upper caste, he is a liberal who champions civil liberties, constitutional ethics, and the sanctity of the judiciary.
In the early decades of the republic, the vice-president's election was unanimous, with the emphasis on merit rather than like-mindedness. Sarvepalli Radhakrishnan, Zakir Husain, Gopal Swarup Pathak--all were unanimously elected, but Indira Gandhi ushered in an era of pressure, preferring loyalty over tradition. Thus caste, creed and region became the basis for election. This trend became strategically important as the ruling class considered Parliament a place for passing bills rather than a forum for dialogue. As successive governments began to pass bills in the Lok Sabha on the strength of their majority, the Rajya Sabha became the last frontier of democracy.
In such a situation, the control of the Vice President in the Upper House became very important and this is where the BJP's activism means, if the Vice President is neutral then things can get difficult, if he has the same ideology then there is an advantage. The roster of Vice Presidents so far seems like a sociology syllabus. Brahmin, Dalit, Muslim, Lingayat, Jat, Kayastha, Kamma, every election showed a cultural calculation, while every defeat revealed deep differences. For example, Shinde vs Shekhawat (Dalit vs Rajput), Heptulla vs Ansari (Muslim diversity vs Muslim diplomacy), Alva vs Dhankhar (Christian minority vs Hindu majority) This trend continues even in the year 2025. Saffron Tamil vs Telugu judicial service, Stalin's federalism vs RSS centralism, Nehruvian conscience call vs nationalist dominance. Not only this, every Vice President election has its own story, in the year 2002, UPA fielded popular Dalit face Sushil Kumar Shinde from Maharashtra against BJP veteran and prominent Rajput leader of Rajasthan Bhairon Singh Shekhawat. It became a purely caste-based contest. In 2007, the NDA changed the narrative, pitting a Muslim woman, Najma Heptulla, against Hamid Ansari, a veteran diplomat and a Muslim candidate from academic and Indian Foreign Service institutions, who was a vice-chancellor. The NDA made a deliberate attempt to be in favour of diversity as against the institutional liberalism of the UPA.
This trend continued in 2022 as well, when the UPA fielded Margaret Alva, a senior Christian leader from Karnataka, as its vice-presidential candidate. Being a woman, a minority and from the southern state of Karnataka, the UPA’s politics of symbolism was clear. Margaret Alva was pitted against Jagdeep Dhankhar, a Jat leader from Rajasthan and a declared loyalist of Narendra Modi. The result was emphatic, with Dhankhar winning by 346 votes. The BJP once again gained control of the Rajya Sabha. The caste equation that was once used to balance representation is now being used to divide and disrupt opposition unity. This trend continues in 2025 as well. Both the candidates for the post of Vice President have put South India in a quandary. Will Tamil pride accept the BJP candidate or will Andhra's loyalty bow to the Centre's diktat? The BJP has the numbers in Parliament and its alliance partners may follow its diktat even if reluctantly but the symbolism of this election (which is Nehruvism vs RSS, Tamil vs Telugu, Stalin vs federalism) is hard to ignore. The India Alliance is hoping that Sudarshan Reddy's regional identity can create a rift in the NDA. In contrast, the NDA is confident that a traditionalist man from the Sangh will make a dent in the secular camp. These two are not candidates but chess pieces and the aim of the game is to disintegrate federalism.
This election will also be a verdict on political culture. The era of partisan Vice Presidents like Hamid Ansari and Jagdeep Dhankhar, who were constantly at loggerheads with opposition members, has perhaps become a natural one now; the Vice President's chair has ceased to be neutral. The Rajya Sabha is a house of discussion and deliberation; in such a situation, if its Chairman gives preference to power over principle, the proceedings of the Upper House will be most affected. The Indian democracy, destroyed by party politics, wants a Vice President who rises above the boundaries of caste and creed. This election of the Vice President is a choice between the conscience of the Constitution and the power of the majority.
This time, as they cast their votes, our MPs will not only select the next Vice President but also make a crucial decision between continuous majoritarianism and the potential for pluralism. It's important to remember that when the Vice President becomes merely obedient, the republic turns into a relic of the past. From Sarvapalli Radhakrishnan to Sudarshan Reddy, from philosophy to division, the Vice President's role has steadily declined. This decline is not due to the candidates' lack of qualifications, but because the election criteria have shifted from excellence to profit. The nation that once sought ideas from the Vice President now uses this election to communicate with caste groups, regions, and uneasy coalitions. The second highest constitutional position in the country, which is also the second most symbolic, has become less honorable and more superficial.